Technocracy and Antitrust


Prof. Daniel A. Crane
Article appears in Issue 6
Citation: 86 Texas L. Rev. 1159 (2008)

In this Article, Professor Crane looks at the shift in U.S. antitrust enforcement from a democratic–populist undertaking to a technocratic endeavor relegated to specialists in the Justice Department and the Federal Trade Commission (FTC).  Professor Crane largely celebrates this shift and calls for more technocratic experimentation in antitrust.  Professor Crane documents the shift in antitrust law through the course of its history to show how the political salience of antitrust law has varied throughout its history.

The overall trend, however, is that antitrust law “has become increasingly separated from popular politics, insulated from direct democratic pressures, delegated to industrial-policy specialists, and compartmentalized as a regulatory discipline.”  While antitrust may no longer be “a magisterial pursuit” that “stir[s] the public imagination,” and while the political salience of antitrust has declined following the Chicago School revolution of the 1970s, actual antitrust regulation continues unabated.  Thus, the diminishing visibility of antitrust law does not signal its obsolescence, but rather its increased sophistication as a body of law and the increased sophistication of the institutions charged with administering such law.  In contrast to this overall trend towards technocratic methods, antitrust law still contains a few populist institutions.

Professor Crane advocates for antitrust law to get out from “under the shadow” of its remaining populist institutions.  The reforms he suggests—such as separating cartel enforcement from other antitrust enforcement and granting the FTC norm-creation powers—would not be radical and would simply further the technocratic drift of antitrust law.  Ideally, Professor Crane hopes that antitrust will become “an expertized, administrative enterprise focused on managing market structures and industrial practices as opposed to a populist, generalist-driven one focused on locating and punishing forbidden bad acts.”

Responses in See Also:

Candide Meets the Sherman Act

Prof. William Shieber

 In this comment, William Shieber argues that Professor Crane’s analysis is fundamentally flawed for two reasons.  First, Shieber suggests that Crane’s measure of how to judge political interest—considering references to antitrust issues in presidential candidate speeches, and considering the absence of direct Presidential involvement in filing antitrust suits—is wanting.  Second, Shieber considers the fact that both the Federal Trade Commission and the DOJ, the agencies responsible for antitrust enforcement, are overseen by political appointees.  From this, Shieber argues that one cannot remove the values of these appointees from the regulatory process, which necessarily means that the ultimate decisions made by these agencies have a substantial political component.  For these reasons, Shieber disagrees with Crane’s conclusion that U.S. antitrust enforcement has declined in political salience.

Pangloss Responds

Prof. Daniel A. Crane

 In his response to Mr. Shieber’s comment, Professor Crane clarifies that his article does not suggest antitrust decisions are apolitical.  Crane agrees with Shieber that the ideological bent of the administration has some effect on antitrust outcomes.  However, Crane notes that antitrust has ceased to be a campaign issue and is almost completely absent from political debate.  Crane also criticizes Shieber’s use of the Bush administration’s settlement of the Microsoft antitrust case to support his opinion that antitrust enforcement is still highly partisan without first noting that the D.C. Circuit opinion—handed down at the very beginning of the Bush administration—damaged the government’s bargaining position.